Those NO TIES Lies
Part 4: There Are No Jihadis In Iraq
By Scott Malensek
Would Al Queda ever work with Saddam’s regime, and would Saddam’s regime ever work with Al Queda? The answer is complex, but in the end a simple “yes” fits better on a bumper sticker. Lawyer-politicians seeking to hold their office or seeking higher quarters at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue in 2009 can dance with this question forever, and the Phase II report is quite clear in its “conclusions” that the two would never work together, but the problem with that assessment is that it ignores common sense.
The report quotes Saddam, Tariq Aziz, a-Tikriti, Faruq Hijazi, and others as all denying that the regime would ever work with Saddam. All admitted that the regime had contacts with Al Queda. All of the regime leaders claimed that those contacts were just to keep a watchful eye on the fanatics. All are in jail facing trial. Oh, and if there was a relationship between Al Queda and the regime…it would involve these same men who are in jail, facing trial, proclaiming innocence of such a connection and much more.
“According to debriefs of multiple detainees-including Saddam Hussein and former Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz- and captured documents, Saddam did not trust al-Qa’ida or any other radical Islamist group and did not want to cooperate with them.”
“when told there was clear evidence that the Iraqi government had previously met with bin Ladin, Saddam responded, “yes.” Saddam then specified that Iraq did not cooperate with bin Ladin. In response to the suggestion that he might cooperate with al-Qa’ida because “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” Saddam answered that the United States was not Iraq’s enemy. He claimed that Iraq only opposed U.S. policies.”
“According to Tariq Aziz, “Saddam only expressed negative sentiments about bin Ladin.“
“During the FBI’s debrief of a top official in Saddam’s government, Abid Hamid Mahmoud al-Kattab al-Tikriti, al-Tikriti noted that Saddam Hussein’s position was that Iraq should not deal with al-Qa’ida.”
“Postwar debriefs provided information on the 1995 meeting between bin Ladin and senior Iraq Intelligence Service official Faruq Hijazi. According to the FBI, Hijazi stated during his debriefing that he met bin Ladin once in Sudan in early 1995. The meeting came in response to a request to the Iraqi government through the government of Sudan on behalf of bin Laden. Hijazi told debriefers that he was selected by Saddam because he was secular, which would make him less sympathetic to bin Ladin’s radical message. Hijazi also noted that Saddam gave him explicit instructions that he was “only to listen” and not negotiate or promise anything to bin Ladin.’”
At least the regime leaders are consistent. There must be only innocent men in those cells. There’s a long list of problems with their claims that the regime was secular, wouldn’t work with Al Queda or other Jihadis, was afraid to work with Islamic extremists, and so forth. Among the problems with the claims that the mass media finds so acceptable is the contradictory statements found later in the report.
In a response to questions from Committee staff asking if DIA recovered or received information or intelligence, after the raid on Salman Pak in April 2003 that indicated non-Iraqis received terrorist training at the Salman Pak facility, DIA said it has “no credible reports that non-Iraqis were trained to conduct or support transnational terrorist operations at Salman Pak after 1991.” DIA assessed that the foreigners were likely volunteers who traveled to Iraq in the months before Operation Iraqi Freedom began to fight overtly alongside Iraqi military forces. “The Iraqi government encouraged this support . . . and trained these fighters in basic combat techniques. The former regime used the Salman Pak Unconventional Warfare Training Facility . . . to train a variety of Iraqi military and security elements and, DIA assesses, foreign fighters overtly aligned with Iraq.” The facilities included a derelict aircraft and train intended for counter-terrorism training.“
Really? The SSCI report has evidence to affirm that Iraq’s claims of training counter-terrorists were true? No. It does not. Someone added that unfounded comment, but they forgot to remove the subsequent DIA quote that contradicts their claim.
“A November 2003 assessment from DIA noted that postwar exploitation of the facility found it “devoid of valuable intelligence.” The assessment added that CIA exploitation “found nothing of intelligence value remained and assessed the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) cleaned it out.” The DIA assessment concluded that “we do not know whether the ex-regime trained terrorists on the aircraft at Salman Pak. Intelligence in late April 2003 indicated the plane had been dismantled. DIA and CENTCOM assess the plane was sold for scrap.“[emphasis added]”
The claim that Salman Pak was a counter-terrorist training facility references the Iraqi Survey Group Report, but that report again cites a lack of evidence.
“M14, directed by Muhammad Khudayr Sabah Al Dulaymi, was responsible for training and conducting special operations missions. It trained Iraqis, Palestinians, Syrians, Yemeni, Lebanese, Egyptian, and Sudanese operatives in counterterrorism, explosives, marksmanship, and foreign operations at its facilities at Salman Pak. Additionally, M14 oversaw the “Challenge Project,” a highly secretive project regarding explosives. Sources to date have not been able to provide sufficient details regarding the “Challenge Project.””-ISG rpt Vol I, pg 78
When it comes to the story of Salman Pak, what is known is that foreigners (“Palestinians, Syrians, Yemeni, Lebanese, Egyptian, and Sudanese) trained for special operations warfare there. Who were these foreigners? Did special forces soldiers from Egypt and Syria need to go to Iraq for training? That’s doubtful. Did Sudan even have Special Forces? Does the Palestinian Authority have Special Forces who need training in counter-terrorism? This is even more doubtful. Before the invasion, WMD inspectors like Richard Butler, Scott Ritter, David Kay, Charles Duelfer, and more all claimed Salman Pak was a terrorist training camp.
So who was getting trained in Iraq by Saddam’s regime-a regime that today claims to have been fearful of Jihadis?
“Beginning in 1998, these camps began hosting “Arab volunteers from Egypt, Palestine, Jordan, ‘the Gulf,’ and Syria.” It is not clear from available evidence where all of these non-Iraqi volunteers who were “sacrificing for the cause” went to ply their newfound skills. Before the summer of 2002, most volunteers went home upon the completion of training. But these training camps were humming with frenzied activity in the months immediately prior to the war. As late as January 2003, the volunteers participated in a special training event called the “Heroes Attack.” This training event was designed in part to prepare regional Fedayeen Saddam commands to “obstruct the enemy from achieving his goal and to support keeping peace and stability in the province.” ”-Iraqi Perspectives Project Report pg 54
Fedayeen Saddam translates as Saddam’s Martyrs. How is that a secular force? How can anyone see that and claim that the foreign fighters who came to Iraq, trained in unconventional warfare, trained to conduct special operations, and called themselves Saddam’s Martyrs….how can anyone claim that those men were not Jihadists? It sounds more like the kind of people that filled the ranks of Al Queda than that of a secular, Godless regime.
“Bin Ladin now had a vision of himself as head of an international jihad confederation. In Sudan, he established an “Islamic Army Shura” that was to serve as the coordinating body for the consortium of terrorist groups with which he was forging alliances. It was composed of his own al Qaeda Shura together with leaders or representatives of terrorist organizations that were still independent. In building this Islamic army, he enlisted groups from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Oman, Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Somalia, and Eritrea. Al Qaeda also established cooperative but less formal relationships with other extremist groups from these same countries; from the African states of Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, and Uganda; and from the Southeast Asian states of Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Bin Ladin maintained connections in the Bosnian conflict as well.” -911 Commission Final Report pg 58
Who was it that faced U.S. Marines in their eastern advance on Baghdad and the Army’s 3rd ID in the west?
Under Fire, by various Reuters reporters describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists.
Embedded, by various reporters describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists.
Shadow War, by Richard Miniter describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists.
The Secret History of the Iraq War, by Yosef Bodansky describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists.
Generation Kill, by Evan Wright describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists.
The March Up, by Maj Gen Ray L Smith describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists roughly in the neighborhood of 2000-4000 in the various training camps captured by the US Marines (some still occupied by US Marines).
War Stories, by Oliver North describes "thousands" of foreign fighters/terrorists roughly in the neighborhood of 2000-4000 in the various training camps captured by the US Marines (some still occupied by US Marines).
Thunder Run, by David Zucchino clearly describes 5000-6000 Syrian mercenaries, foreign fighters, jihadis, and Islamofascists.
American Soldier, by Gen Tommy Franks describes thousands to tens of thousands of foriegn fighter terrorists from all over the Middle East.
Estimates at the PRE-Second Battle of Fallujah had the foreign fighter, Islamofascists, Jihadis, around 2000-3000. Fewer seem to have been encountered as many (like al Queda’s Zarqawi and other terrorist leaders) managed to escape. There have been other battles and large fights where there were claims of foreign fighter, Islamofascists, Jihadis numbering as high as a few hundred in each case.
Typically scorekeepers will tell us that the insurgency has consistently numbered 20,000 Iraqis or less, and of those only 1500-2000 are al Queda. An unknown number are foreigners, mercenaries, and foreign intelligence operatives (primarily from Iran and Syria), and as many as 80 suicide bombings a month have been recorded with an average of 60-80% of those being conducted by foreign suicide bombers.
As soldiers and Marines by the hundreds of thousands return home from Iraq, they are telling their stories. They are telling family and friends of what they saw, and of who they fought. They are writing books that tell of their experiences. Amazon.com is full of them. They have fought and lived through a dramatic and on-going historical event. To them it is real-not politics, and so they tell the truth. They describe an invasion and an occupation where Islamic extremists and Iraqi thugs are the enemy. They tell tales of a fight against terrorists; people who rammed cars filled with explosives at tanks as they fought their way through terrorist training camps at Nasariah, Khifl, Salman Pak, and many more.
The people who wrote the SSCI Phase II report distort and deny that reality. The mainstream media seeks to pretend that all these jihadis were not affiliated with Al Queda based on claims from Saddam and his regime clearly lied. We are expected to believe Saddam’s word and the words of lawyer politicians in DC rather than that of soldiers, Marines, and reporters who were there during the invasion. To do so is to deny history, and deny those who served the honor of recognizing the specifics of their experiences and sacrifices. They deserve to have their stories told honestly-not politically as the Senate has chosen.